
By Lord Aikins Adusei




Who are the slave masters?

By Lord Aikins Adusei




Who are the slave masters?
Development aid for Africa has never fallen under such radical and massive criticism as in recent years -- and it comes from representatives of both the "North" and of Africa itself. Nevertheless, this hasn't kept Germany's Ministry for Economic Cooperation and Development (BMZ) from concluding, in one of its brochures: "Africa is not the continent of catastrophes, crises and wars. Africa shows evidence of the dynamics of reform and stabile growth and, with its ideas and potential, is taking its development into its own hands."
The assessment of development of Sub-Saharan Africa is highly ideological. Large parts of the development community take for granted the adage that: "We are exploiting poor Africans, and we deny them all trade opportunities. We must forgive all of their debt, because the loans were forced upon them. A significant increase in financial development aid is needed, because more money means more development."
The same effect is produced by the many who insist that Africa's prospects for development are being destroyed by unfair international trade relationships. Criticism of these relationships is undoubtedly justified. But why is trade flourishing, under identical conditions, in many developing countries outside Africa? The fact that this obvious truth is eclipsed by the constant talk of catastrophe is an indicator of the quality of discourse over Third World development.
The most successful trading partners among the poorer nations export industrial goods, not agricultural products. China initially brought technically uncomplicated devices onto the world market, but with time its products became increasingly sophisticated. Why doesn't this work in Africa? Has anyone ever seen an iron, a bicycle or a hair clip with "Made in Togo" or "Made in Uganda" printed on it? For generations, the international community has promoted technical and entrepreneurial competency among Africans. Where have its efforts paid off?
The Outstreched Hand Is the Continent's Symbol
After half a century of development aid for Africa, the entire world of donor nations remains covered with a network consisting of all sorts of public and private aid agencies. Governments, communities, church-affiliated relief organizations, corporate groups, trade unions, a vast number of charitable groups, schools and sponsorship organizations -- all are helping Africa or, more precisely, are trying to help. And Africa, for its part, is a willing recipient of their largesse, even when it violates the continent's dignity. Indeed, the outstretched hand has literally become a symbol of Africa. People here and there are so accustomed to this state of affairs that its absurdity seems normal to them.
But the cycle of giving and receiving solidifies Africa's dependency and impedes development. It ignores the banal insight that development can only be what people and societies achieve themselves. What we do is of little interest, while what they -- the Africans -- do is key. Nothing can replace their internal dynamics, not even the most well-intentioned assistance from abroad.
But anyone traveling through Africa will encounter a completely different picture: a great deal of lethargy and not enough of the urge to succeed. Economic development, in particular, suffers from a lack of thoroughness, planning and reliability, and from the fact that African family clans typically demand a share of the economic success of their more successful members, instead of allowing them to enjoy the fruits of their labor. Another impediment to development, and to rational thinking and activity, is a belief in spirits that is still deeply entrenched at all social levels. Socio-cultural explanations of such behavior are interesting, but they do not promote development.
Despite these obstacles, the only true measure of the quality of our development aid is the extent to which it manages to generate and strengthen internal African dynamics. Too little attention is paid to this simple and fundamental insight in the practice of development aid. Instead, the performance of donor nations is judged on the basis of the so-called ODA, or Official Development Assistance, quota, which is the share of a country's gross national product devoted to development assistance. But this is nothing but self-delusion, because the ODA quota has little to do with development. In fact, it has more to do with the opposite of development.
Source:Spiegel Online
Malawi's President Bingu wa Mutharika, current president of the African Union gives a speech during closing ceremony of the 14th Ordinary Session of the Assembly of the African Union in Addis Ababa, 02 Feb 2010
"We must declare war on unconstitutional change of government on African soil." - African Union Chairman Bingu wa Mutharika.
The newly-elected African Union Chairman, Malawi's President Bingu wa Mutharika has pledged to make political stability a priority on a continent troubled by coups and conflicts. Mr. Mutharika set an ambitious agenda at the start of his one-year term as AU chief.
In a closing address to the summit that elected him chairman, the 75-year-old Malawian leader said it is time for Africa to put a stop to the recent trend toward unconstitutional power grabs.
"We must declare war on unconstitutional change of government on African soil and resolve to take strong and necessary measures against all authors of coups, coup d'etats and those that provide them the means to unseat constitutionally elected government," he said.
Mr. Mutharika expressed satisfaction with what he called "the return to constitutional order in Mauritania and Guinea Bissau over the past year. He also noted positive changes in Guinea. But he said his year in office would focus on other trouble spots he called "intractable".
"We should remain seized of the outstanding challenges in Madagascar, Somalia and Darfur. We should remain steadfast in the use of all means at our disposal to resolve what seem to be intractable situations," he said.
Mr. Mutharika, a former World Bank economist, said he would insist on urgent steps to improve Africa's food security and energy generation capacity.
"I'm still determined as chairman of the African Union, to put measures together to ensure that within five years, no child in Africa should die of hunger and malnutrition," said Mutharika.
The outgoing AU chief, Libyan leader Moammar Gadhafi used his farewell speech Sunday to question the organization's competence. He accused it of doing little more than passing resolutions and declarations, and said if he had known in advance how little power the chairman has, he would have refused the job.
Mr. Mutharika said it is time to change that image.
"May I reiterate the need for our organization to go beyond making decisions, declarations and resolutions. We need to take action now," he said.
Mr. Mutharika is the 4th democratically-elected head of state to hold the AU chairmanship in the past five years, helping burnish the organization's reputation for promoting democratic ideals. Only Libyan leader Gadhafi broke the string. He came to power in a military coup 40 years ago.
Speaking to reporters after the summit, Mr. Mutharika said he would oppose any move to limit the chairmanship to only constitutionally-elected heads of states. He suggested the AU policy of strict opposition to unconstitutional power grabs would eventually eliminate despots and dictators from the continent.
"There's no agenda where we insist that someone must necessarily be democratically elected in their country. But I think you know we are against the takeover of government through unconstitutional means. We are against coup d'etats. So by definition those who will be elected head of the African Union will definitely be democratically elected," he explained.
Before closing the summit, the Malawian leader announced a postponement of the next continental gathering. By tradition, the twice yearly summits are held the first days of February and July.
But this year, the first ten days of July will be consumed by soccer madness, as South Africa hosts the final World Cup matches. So the summit has been rescheduled for July 25-27 in the Ugandan capital, Kampala
Xenophobes in homogenous European countries often complain that immigrants will erase their most precious cultural norms. The race riotsin southern Italy last weekend may be one indicator that change is inevitable, as African immigrants who don't live by the country's infamous omertÀ code of silence violently protested against the powerful Mafia clans that control their lives, says Roberto Saviano, author of Gomorrah, an anti-Mob book that earned him both critical praise and a 24-hour police guard. Saviano - who reported from within the Camorra, Italy's biggest Mafia clan with a global reach into fashion, real estate, waste disposal and drugs - says the rioters are among the hundreds of thousands of immigrants caught up in a brutal cheap-labor system the Mafia runs for legitimate businesses from Milan to Naples.
The riots in Rosarno, which reportedly began after three Italianteenagers fired air rifles at two African immigrants, unsettled a nation that prides itself on its bella figura - the beautiful image. About 2,500 migrants live in the Rosarno valley in the southern Calabria region, moving with the seasonal agricultural jobs. Many have political asylum or are otherwise legally in Italy, but legal or not, the migrants are managed by a Mafia-run employment system, the caporalato, that operates like a 21st century chain gang. Saviano says that those who object to low wages or poor working conditions are simply eliminated - and not just by a pink slip. "It's a military system," Saviano tells TIME in Rome as one of the plainclothes cops guarding him stands nearby. "The farm and factory owners employ the Mafia caporali to bring the workers. The immigrants wait on the roads, the caporali pick them up and take them to the work. If they complain, they get killed." (See the top 10 news stories of 2009.)
The immigrants arrive in Italy from impoverished African or Eastern European countries and find themselves trapped in a system in which they work 10- to 14-hour days for about $3 an hour. They live in tents or shacks pitched inside abandoned buildings, without appliances, plumbing or health care. Italian society supports the system by keeping the immigrants on its margins. Services are few and far between, mainly provided by religious organizations. Non-Italian police are rarely seen, and only one nonwhite serves in Parliament. Many immigrants simply do not report crimes against them. Disappearances are frequent - the Polish government is still looking for more than 100 Polish migrants who vanished from the tomato farms of Puglia in 2006, some of whom are believed to have been killed.
Ironically, though, southern Italy's crime clans seem like a welcome wagon for the immigrants at the beginning, providing a deceptively accepting community for newcomers. "For the Mafia to keep them as low-priced labor, they create this atmosphere of tolerance," Saviano says. "They actually live better down there than in Milan. They are treated and paid like slaves, but the human relationships are warmer than those you would find in Milan. Africans say the Italian girls look them in the eyes in Calabria, while in the north they wouldn't." (See pictures of migrants being forced out in France.)
Still, as the Rosarno riots illustrate, the immigrants are far from accepted by most Italians. Shootings like the ones that sparked the unrest are not uncommon. "We used to learn how to use our guns down there by shooting at dogs," says Saviano, who was brought up in the Naples area. "Now the 14-year-olds shoot at immigrants. It can look like kids fooling around, but it's not; it's target practice." The town's African population responded by burning cars and smashing shop windows, prompting retaliatory attacks by white residents. It was the fourth outbreak of violence in the region in recent years. Six Africans died two years ago in fighting in the coastal town of Castel Volturno. (Read "In Italy, Racial Tensions Explode into Violence.")
While the shootings were the apparent spark of the riots, the global economic downturn was a more distant cause. With budgets tightening, the E.U. cut its aid to southern Italian farmers, reducing the need for manual labor. "The Mafia wants to earn the same profits, and the workers are becoming a burden," Saviano says. Authorities have also turned a blind eye to their problems. Rather than increase social services or workplace regulations, Prime Minister Silvio Berlusconi's administration has taken an increasingly popular anti-immigrant stance. About 1,000 of the African migrants in Rosarno were carted off to detention centers after the violence - some at their own request, the government says. Interior Minister Roberto Maroni, a member of the anti-immigrant Northern League party, said that "too much tolerance" had caused the unrest.
Saviano disagrees. "It's obvious they have let the Mafia freely do with the immigrants as they wish," he says. "When they undergo injustice, the immigrants have enormous difficulties speaking up about it, even when they have been abused by their own community." He adds, however, that this may be starting to change. "They are not like Italian workers, who will just leave if they don't like it. They protest because these jobs are the best situation they can have," he says. "As a southern Italian, I would tell these people, 'Stay. Please don't leave us alone with the Mafia.'"
- With reporting by Giulia Alagna
In May 1997, the French Weekly Newspaper published these stolen assets of African rulers: General Sani Abaca of Nigeria, 120 billion FF (or $20 billion); former Ivorian President H. Boigny, 35 billion FF (or $ 6 billion); General Ibrahim Babangida of Nigeria, 30 billion FF (or $ 5 billion); the late President Mobutu of Zaire, 22 billion FF (or $ 4 billion); President Mousa Traore of Mali, 10.8 billion FF (or $ 2 billion).
A major shift in funding development in Africa is accelerating. Major donors have been urging African governments to eradicate corruption or face cuts in aid. (African Recovery, by Sam Chege)
Despite the country’s abundant natural resources, including copper, gold and diamonds, the people of the Democratic Republic of Congo continue to sink further into poverty. Meanwhile, Mobutu, the late president who died in 1997, amassed a personal fortune of $5 billion, which was deposited in Swiss banks. (CNN world news, September 7, 1997). After more than three years of legal wrangling, the Nigerian government has finally achieved a major breakthrough in it’s efforts to recoup a substantial amount of money looted by the former president, General Sani Abacha. The money was stored in Swiss bank accounts. Abacha, who died of an apparent heart attack in 1998, had been accused of stealing nearly $3 billion from state funds in a series of staggering revelations of how he and his immediate family personalized Nigeria’s treasury. (This DAY, May 30, 2002)
An excellent way to get rich quick is to be the ex-wife of an ex-president. This is what Mrs. Vera Chiluba is claiming from ex president Chiluba in her application to Ndola High Court: She wants US$2.5 billion in a lump sum, and claims she can prove he has the funds available. She also requires maintenance for their nine children, none of whom are in gainful employment. She also needs a share in 6 properties in Ndola and a commercial farm in Chi samba. Also she needs a new executive Mercedes Benz 500 (or 600), a new Land Cruiser, a new Nissan Patrol, drivers as well and a court order for the return of 400 cattle, sheep and goats which are still at State Lodge.This was taken from the Zambia Post and was also reported in The Zambia Society Newsletter compiled by the glamorous Maggie Currie. Are African presidents the only ones so clever in accumulating wealth so quickly? Even ex president Marcos of the Philippines didn’t get hold of such huge amounts in such a short time. (Elias Georgopoullos, Saturday, April 27, 2002 at 12:52:22 PDT)
The French journal, ‘L’Evenement du jeudi published an article stating that the president of Cameroon, Paul Biya, is worth more than $45 billion FCA, money gleaned from the sales of petroleum. Mr. Biya has not refuted these claims.(Post watch Fact File report by Ntemfac Ofeae, undated).
The late president Mobutu of the Democratic Republic of Congo holds the record for financial plunder and national ruin. It is estimated that he stole $4 billion, leaving the country poorer than he found it, with ruined infrastructure and no formal economy to speak of. A close second to Mobutu is the late dictator of Nigeria, Sani Abacha, whose rule left 70 percent of Nigeria’s 120 million people living on less than one dollar per day. In Kenya, the Daniel Arap Moi dictatorship must be given credit for the systematic destruction of what used to be Africa’s economic showcase from the 1960s through the 70s. The authoritative Africa Confidential put Moi’s external bank holdings at $3 billion. In the so-called Goldenberg scandal, the Moi regime bolted with an estimated $1 biliion from its own central bank (12 percent of the national’s GDP), setting off a spiral of inflation, economic stagnation, unemployment, crime, ruined agricultural sector and decaying public services. (Testimony on the social and political costs of the theft of public funds by African Dictators: US House of Representatives Committee on Financial Services by Michael Chege, University of Florida, May 9, 2002)
Recent surveys carried out by the World Bank in a series of developing countries to compare budget allocations to actual spending at the facility level have confirmed that resources are not allocated according to underlying budget decision. In Uganda and Tanzania, large parts of funds were diverted elsewhere or for private gain. (U4 Utstein Anti corruption resource website) Peter Machungwa, Home Affairs Minister, Godden Mandandi, Works and supply Minister were arrested on Tuesday night in connection with the disappearance of $2 billion in government funds.(Business Day, October 24, 2002) Paul Tembo, former deputy minister of Finance, was shot dead in his home hours before testifying in corruption trial of three cabinet ministers. (BBC News, July 9, 2001). Zambian police and politicians have been identified to be the worst corrupt elements in the country. (AllAfrica.com, March 1, 2001)
SOURC :TRACEAIDFor example, in 1997, the French Weekly Newspaper published these stolen assets of African rulers: General Sani Abaca of Nigeria, 120 billion FF (or $20 billion); former Ivorian President H. Boigny, 35 billion FF (or $ 6 billion); General Ibrahim Babangida of Nigeria, 30 billion FF (or $ 5 billion); the late President Mobutu of Zaire, 22 billion FF (or $ 4 billion); President Mousa Traore of Mali, 10.8 billion FF (or $ 2 billion).
Other names mentioned by the French Weekly were President Henri Bedie of Ivory Coast, 2 billion FF (or 300 million); President Denis N'guesso of Congo, 1.2 billion FF (or 200 million); President Omar Bongo of Gabon, 0.5 billion FF (or $ $80 million); President Paul Biya of Cameroon, 450 million FF (or $70 million); President Haile Mariam of Ethiopia, 200 million FF (or $30 million); and President Hissene Habre of Chad, 20 million FF (or $3 million). Bear in mind that this list does not reflect the actual amount of money stolen out of Africa by these dictators. Factually, the mentioned figures had changed significantly since the French Weekly article was published in 1997. There are now new African billionaires and millionaires, including indicted former Liberian President Charles Taylor, President Gabassinga Eyadema of Togo, former Liberian Warlord Alhaji Kromah, former Ghanaian dictator Jerry J. Rawlings, and the late President Samuel Doe of Liberia; a host of African government ministers would make an updated list. While returning funds stolen out of Africa is the right thing to do, efforts must be made by the West and responsible African governments {i.e. the government of Botswana, etc.} to alter international banking laws that will make it difficult for Africa's government officials and corrupt business personalities to transfer huge funds into western banks. The measure was first proposed following the September 11, 2001 attacks but was rebuffed by western financial institutions. Again, we need to revisit this issue: the terrorists could use the thieves in Africa's government Ministries to transfer money into western bank accounts—the money could be used at a later time for terrorists' activities