NEW. Watch live television from Ghana, the latest Ghanaian movies and OBE TV.After flogging NPP over state vehicles
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NEW. Watch live television from Ghana, the latest Ghanaian movies and OBE TV.After flogging NPP over state vehicles
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Ken Saro-Wiwa in 1993. Photograph: Greenpeace/AFP
The oil giant Shell has agreed to pay $15.5m (£9.6m) in settlement of a legal action in which it was accused of having collaborated in the execution of the writer Ken Saro-Wiwa and eight other leaders of the Ogoni tribe of southern Nigeria.
The settlement, reached on the eve of the trial in a federal court in New York, was one of the largest payouts agreed by a multinational corporation charged with human rights violations.
The scale of the payment was being seen by experts in human rights law as a step towards international businesses being made accountable for their environmental and social actions.
Jennie Green, a lawyer with the Centre for Constitutional Rights who initiated the lawsuit in 1996, said: "This was one of the first cases to charge a multinational corporation with human rights violations, and this settlement confirms that multinational corporations can no longer act with the impunity they once enjoyed."
The deal follows three weeks of intensive negotiation between the 10 plaintiffs, mainly drawn from relatives of the executed Ogoni nine, and Shell. The oil giant, and its Nigerian subsidiary Shell Petroleum Development Company, continue to dismiss all the claims made against them, saying they played no part in the violence that swept southern Nigeria in the 1990s.
The company said it was making the payment in recognition of the tragic turn of events in Ogoni land. "While we were prepared to go to court to clear our name, we believe the right way forward is to focus on the future for Ogoni people," Malcolm Brinded, a Shell director, said.
The settlement marks the end of a 14-year personal journey for Ken Wiwa Jr, son of the executed leader.
Among the other plaintiffs was Karalolo Kogbara, who lost an arm after she was shot by Nigerian troops when she protested against the bulldozing of her village in 1993 to make way for a Shell pipeline.
Out of the $15.5m settlement, $5m will be used to set up a trust called Kiisi – meaning "progress" in the Ogoni Gokana language – to support educational and other initiatives in the Niger delta.
In the lawsuit, the families of the Ogoni nine alleged Shell conspired with the military government to capture and hang the men. Shell was also accused of a series of other alleged human rights violations, including working with the army to bring about killings and torture of Ogoni protesters.
The company was alleged to have provided the Nigerian army with vehicles, patrol boats and ammunition, and to have helped plan raids and terror campaigns against villages.
Supporters of the legal action said the fact that Shell had walked away from the trial suggested the company had been anxious about the evidence that would have been presented had it gone ahead. Stephen Kretzmann, director of Oil Change International, said Shell "knew the case was overwhelming against them, so they bought their way out of a trial".
Among the documents lodged with the New York court was a 1994 letter from Shell in which it agreed to pay a unit of the Nigerian army for services rendered. The unit had retrieved one of the company's fire trucks from the village of Korokoro – an action that according to reports at the time left one Ogoni man dead and two wounded. Shell wrote it was making the payment "as a show of gratitude and motivation for a sustained favourable disposition in future assignments".
Shell's involvement in the oil-rich Niger Delta extends back to 1958. It remains the largest oil business in Nigeria, owning some 90 oil fields across the country. The Ogoni people began non-violent agitation against Shell in the early 1990s under the leadership of Ken Saro-Wiwa and his organisation Movement for the Survival of the Ogoni People. Mosop complained that the oil giant was responsible for devastating the ecosystem of the delta.
Human rights experts believe the settlement will have a substantial impact on other multi-national corporations. Anthony DiCaprio, a lead lawyer representing the Ogoni side, predicted it would "encourage companies to seriously consider the social and environmental impact their operations may have on a community or face the possibility of a suit".Shell reiterated its view that the executions of the Ogoni nine had been "tragic events". It said that it had "attempted to persuade the government of the day to grant clemency"

As the threat of starvation sweeps across war-ravaged Angola, its secretive government is coming under pressure to explain how billions of pounds in oil revenues have gone missing.
A fresh humanitarian crisis has hit Angola since fighting with Unita rebels ended in April. Three million people are on the edge of famine.
Angola's President, Eduardo dos Santos, has appealed for international help, pleading that his government is broke.
But a swelling chorus of diplomats, campaigners and angry Angolans is asking why he is unable to pay his way out of trouble when his government earns billions of pounds from a burgeoning oil exploration business that will soon rival that of Nigeria as Africa's largest.
And while only a tiny amount is spent on helping suffering Angolans, every year a large chunk of the profits – between 20 and 35 per cent – mysteriously disappears. Last year, for example, the International Monetary Fund estimated the oil revenues at £2bn, of which £750m simply vanished.
Campaigners such as the UK advocacy group Global Witness call it "wholesale state robbery". They say that Angola's vast oil profits are disappearing into the pockets of the Futungo – a secret, powerful élite linked to President dos Santos – on a scale similar to the excesses of the notorious kleptocrat Mobutu Sese Seko of Zaire.
Western oil companies such as BP, Shell and Chevron stand accused of refusing to reveal their annual payments to the Angolan government.
Patrick Nicholson of Cafod, a British aid agency involved in a "Publish What You Pay" campaign, said: "Billions of pounds have gone missing, money that should be used to buy food and medicine and reconstruct the country. Oil companies could play an important part in bringing the government to book."
The campaigners, led by the American financier George Soros, hope that Tony Blair, the French President, Jacques Chirac, and other world leaders will endorse the initiative at the Earth Summit in Johannesburg next week.
In a submission to the United Nations Security Council, a British official pointed out that the UN is struggling to raise £147m for Angola – the equivalent of three weeks' oil profits for the government.
Just where the missing billions have gone is unclear, but the dilapidated streets of Luanda offer some clues. Fleets of the latest BMW, Mercedes and Jaguar cars roar along the sewage-laced roads past the armies of ragged, homeless people on the pavements.
Many are driven by government employees or associates. But it goes deeper. Earlier this year Global Witness published the number of a $1bn bank account in the British Virgin Islands. The money was controlled, it says, by unnamed figures connected to the Futungo.
The Futungo, a cabal of powerful military, business and political figures, is shrouded in mystery. It is thought to consist of about 200 families; analysts refer to it as Angola's "parallel government".
But a glossy magazine called Tropical, sold on Luanda's street corners, offers a glimpse into the lifestyles of the exclusive set. Hello!-style photo spreads show designer-clad Angolans enjoying themselves; the latest issue features parties in London, Lisbon and Luanda.
The extravagance contrasts with the lives of most of Angola's 13 million people, who have slim hopes of getting a job, an education or even staying alive for very long; the average life expectancy is 45.
The ruling MPLA (Popular Movement for the Liberation of Angola) denies corruption but acknowledges the need for changes in how oil money is spent.
But the rot has spread to all levels of governance.In the eastern town of Luena, the medical charity Médecins Sans Frontières has cut aid to the local hospital because supplies kept disappearing. These days it is a dirty place of broken windows and suffering patients.
But the hospital director is doing better. Dr Carlos Alberto dresses in smart suits, wears an Yves Saint Laurent tie and drives a new Suzuki jeep. "The situation is very difficult," he said in his air- conditioned office, the only one in the building. "The support we receive from the government is not enough to cover our problems."
Source: afrol New
A US-based international Christian relief organisation says it believes more than 90% of its aid to Liberia went missing in a massive fraud scam. World Vision's Vice-President George Ward told the BBC the losses came to more than $1m and pledged to make "every effort" to avoid a repeat. A former senior World Vision official in Liberia and two other workers have been charged over the alleged fraud. They are accused of selling the food in local markets and keeping the profits. They are also alleged to have used construction materials to build themselves multiple homes using labour provided by US-funded aid workers. Joe Bondo, a Liberian who was a manager on the project, has been in a Washington jail since his arrest on 20 May. The Associated Press reports that Mr Bondo, along with two other officials, have been charged with 12 criminal counts, which include fraud, theft, lying to investigators and witness tampering. Hotline The scam allegedly began in 2005, as Liberia emerged from 14 years of civil war that claimed some 300,000 lives, displaced more than three million people and left the country's infrastructure and economy in tatters. World Vision is said to have received an anonymous tip-off about the fraud in early 2007, and sent auditors to 258 Liberian towns believed to be benefitting from the programme. Mr Ward told the BBC's Network Africa programme that they could only establish that 9% of the food aid had reached the intended recipients. The AP reports that 34 of the towns did not even exist. Documentation showing receipt of food aid had been "falsified in the offices of World Vision in Liberia in a very large way," Mr Ward explained. He said the organisation had now tightened its procedures - including launching a hotline for people to report any wrongdoing - to make such frauds more easily detectable in future. "We cannot guarantee of course that fraud will never happen again," he told the BBC. "But we can guarantee that we make every effort to ensure that every dollar, every pound sterling, every euro contributed to World Vision is used in the best possible way and we have an excellent track record in that regard." Source: bbc online * The above article has been posted in response to an article by Lord Aikins Adusei in which he questioned why Africa is still poor despite the fact that there are hundreds of aid agencies professing to be helping the poor. |
The following is an excerpt from President Obama's speech in Cairo, Egypt in which he spoke directly to the tyrants and thieves in Africa and the Muslim World about democracy and rule by the consent of the people.
“I know there has been controversy about the promotion of democracy in recent years, and much of this controversy is connected to the war in Iraq. So let me be clear: no system of government can or should be imposed upon one nation by any other.
That does not lessen my commitment, however, to governments that reflect the will of the people. Each nation gives life to this principle in its own way, grounded in the traditions of its own people. America does not presume to know what is best for everyone, just as we would not presume to pick the outcome of a peaceful election. But I do have an unyielding belief that all people yearn for certain things: the ability to speak your mind and have a say in how you are governed; confidence in the rule of law and the equal administration of justice; government that is transparent and doesn't steal from the people; the freedom to live as you choose. Those are not just American ideas, they are human rights, and that is why we will support them everywhere.
There is no straight line to realise this promise. But this much is clear: governments that protect these rights are ultimately more stable, successful and secure. Suppressing ideas never succeeds in making them go away. America respects the right of all peaceful and law-abiding voices to be heard around the world, even if we disagree with them. And we will welcome all elected, peaceful governments – provided they govern with respect for all their people.
This last point is important because there are some who advocate for democracy only when they are out of power; once in power, they are ruthless in suppressing the rights of others. No matter where it takes hold, government of the people and by the people sets a single standard for all who hold power: you must maintain your power through consent, not coercion; you must respect the rights of minorities, and participate with a spirit of tolerance and compromise; you must place the interests of your people and the legitimate workings of the political process above your party. Without these ingredients, elections alone do not make true democracy.”
Excerpt from Obama’s speech in Cairo, Egypt.
Compiled by Lord Aikins Adusei

There are few institutions in Ghana and in Africa that can hold its head high when it comes to discharging dispassionately its constitutionally mandated duties and many are under performing or have no accomplishments due to corruption, partiality, and inability to stand the pressure from politicians. However, Ghana’s Electoral Commission has been just one of the few to have defied all those negativities. The Commission stands tall among all the civic institutions in Ghana and Africa tasked with preserving democracy, political pluralism and constitutional rule. It is one of the few institutions in the continent that has not given in to political pressure, threats and intimidations which have brought violence and destruction to so many countries in the continent.
The peace and tranquillity enjoyed by Ghanaians today and envied by so many countries in Africa would not have materialised had it not been the good work of the Electoral Commission and its Chairman Dr. Kwadwo Afari Gyan. For 18 years beginning in 1992, the Electoral Commission has helped to organise five consecutive free and fair elections a record that can only be matched by very few electoral bodies in the continent.
Through the gallant performance of the EC, Ghana has come to be seen as the little white dot on a big black map. The country has been hailed as the beacon of hope for Africa and described as the burning spear and guiding light of the Continent. Ghana has become an icon and a brand name in Africa and the democratic world. She has become the most spoken name in the world of democracy and all lovers of democracy, freedoms and rights in the world now draw inspiration from her achievements and many nations want to be associated with her. Ghanaians and their leaders are held in high esteem across the world. But all these accolades would not have become possible without the tireless and crucial role of the Commission. Through its crucial role the Commission has helped to build and shape the image of the country as a democratic, peaceful and tolerant nation.
Electoral Commission and its leadership have faced two great challenges (tests) in the past 18 years but have managed to sail through with distinction.
The first test came in the 2000 elections when the poll became fierce and competitive between the then ruling National Democratic Congress candidate Prof Evans Atta Mills and the opposition New Patriotic Party candidate John Agyekum Kuffour, forcing the elections into a run off. The nature of the contest had the potential to turn the elections into violence and instability similar to those in Zimbabwe, Kenya, Somalia and elsewhere. But not shivering and not bowing to political pressure, the head of the Commission decided to let people’s choice and the interest of the nation stand above party interests and declared the opposition candidate winner, which was the first to happen in the whole of West Africa if not the whole of Africa. The timely intervention and the umpire role played by the Commission helped to avert the potential bloodbath between supporters of the two political parties.
The second test came in 2008 when the contest between the ruling party candidate Nana Addo Dankwa Akuffo-Addo and the opposition National Democratic Congress candidate Prof John Atta Mills became so fierce that the onus came to lie on the commission. Then again the Electoral Commission stood firm and decided to allow the aspirations of the people to have priority over those of incumbency and political parties. The Commission therefore declared the opposition candidate winner of the elections after a fierce contested run-off.
The decision of the Commission to stand firm and not collapse under the weight of political pressure, threats and intimidation by political parties has enabled peace to prevail in the country. It has helped to brighten the image of Ghana as a peace-loving country and a country that has opted for a genuine democracy instead of despotism, scant elections and fruitless power-sharing deals which have become entrenched in many parts of the continent. Through its role Ghana has become an Island in an ocean full of political and elections violence, bloodbath and instability. The impartial role the Commission has played since 1992 has helped to reinforce Ghana’s reputation as haven for peace, justice, development and save investment.
The Commission is the single authority that has helped to preserve the Constitution of the Fourth Republic, nurture democracy and has helped to rekindle the bright star that Ghana came to symbolise when she became the first country south of the Sahara to gain independence and in the process lifted the hope and aspirations of millions of coloured people and Black Africans in particular throughout the world.
The Electoral Commission has come to symbolise fair play, transparency, accountability, honesty, justice, independence, integrity, selflessness, openness, objectivity and strong leadership and is idolised by many institutions in Ghana, Africa and the World.
Such courageous display of showmanship should not therefore go unnoticed. Since the Nobel Peace Award is for those who have contributed to world peace and tranquillity, there is no doubt Electoral Commission has all the credential and qualification that entitle it for such an award. The Commission therefore deserve to be awarded the Nobel Peace Prize for the way it has helped to nurture Ghana’s democracy, maintain peace and tranquillity in the country and has helped to avoid the blood bath that has become so common in Africa during and after elections. The achievement of the Commission has made a role model for the rest of the electoral institutions and civic organisations in Africa and recognition by the Nobel Peace Committee will prompt other electoral bodies in the continent to work to ensure that elections are conducted in a transparent manner free from political interference and incumbency manipulation.
The choice of Ghana as the only country south of the Sahara to be visited by President Obama would not have materialised had it not been the tireless effort, exemplary leadership, and the independent role played by the electoral commission. I therefore want to use this piece to urge the Nobel Peace Committee to consider Ghana’s Electoral Commission and its head Dr. Kwadwo Afari Gyan as candidates in the 2009 Nobel Peace Prize for without them Ghana would have joined her neighbours and the rest of the continent in the usual bloodbath, violence, political instability, death and infrastructure destruction and economic collapse.
I also want to urge the government of Ghana to bestow the highest civilian honour of the state on Dr. Kwadwo Afari Gyan and his Commission for the peace they have helped Ghana to build and enjoy. A statute should be erected Dr. Gyan’s honour and a street named after him for excelling in his role as the head of the Commission.
I also want to encourage the leadership of other institutions such as Commission on Human Rights Administrative Justice, National Commission for Civic Education, Customs, Police Service, the Armed Forces, Judiciary, Parliament and the Executive to emulate the Electoral Commission and the its leadership for making it possible for Ghana to enjoy 18 years of unadulterated constitutional rule and peace. As the world congratulates Ghana for holding free and fair elections we must not forget those who made it possible.
By Lord Aikins Adusei
The author is a Political Activist and Anti-Corruption Campaigner.
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In May 1997, the French Weekly Newspaper published these stolen assets of African rulers: General Sani Abaca of Nigeria, 120 billion FF (or $20 billion); former Ivorian President H. Boigny, 35 billion FF (or $ 6 billion); General Ibrahim Babangida of Nigeria, 30 billion FF (or $ 5 billion); the late President Mobutu of Zaire, 22 billion FF (or $ 4 billion); President Mousa Traore of Mali, 10.8 billion FF (or $ 2 billion).
A major shift in funding development in Africa is accelerating. Major donors have been urging African governments to eradicate corruption or face cuts in aid. (African Recovery, by Sam Chege)
Despite the country’s abundant natural resources, including copper, gold and diamonds, the people of the Democratic Republic of Congo continue to sink further into poverty. Meanwhile, Mobutu, the late president who died in 1997, amassed a personal fortune of $5 billion, which was deposited in Swiss banks. (CNN world news, September 7, 1997). After more than three years of legal wrangling, the Nigerian government has finally achieved a major breakthrough in it’s efforts to recoup a substantial amount of money looted by the former president, General Sani Abacha. The money was stored in Swiss bank accounts. Abacha, who died of an apparent heart attack in 1998, had been accused of stealing nearly $3 billion from state funds in a series of staggering revelations of how he and his immediate family personalized Nigeria’s treasury. (This DAY, May 30, 2002)
An excellent way to get rich quick is to be the ex-wife of an ex-president. This is what Mrs. Vera Chiluba is claiming from ex president Chiluba in her application to Ndola High Court: She wants US$2.5 billion in a lump sum, and claims she can prove he has the funds available. She also requires maintenance for their nine children, none of whom are in gainful employment. She also needs a share in 6 properties in Ndola and a commercial farm in Chi samba. Also she needs a new executive Mercedes Benz 500 (or 600), a new Land Cruiser, a new Nissan Patrol, drivers as well and a court order for the return of 400 cattle, sheep and goats which are still at State Lodge.This was taken from the Zambia Post and was also reported in The Zambia Society Newsletter compiled by the glamorous Maggie Currie. Are African presidents the only ones so clever in accumulating wealth so quickly? Even ex president Marcos of the Philippines didn’t get hold of such huge amounts in such a short time. (Elias Georgopoullos, Saturday, April 27, 2002 at 12:52:22 PDT)
The French journal, ‘L’Evenement du jeudi published an article stating that the president of Cameroon, Paul Biya, is worth more than $45 billion FCA, money gleaned from the sales of petroleum. Mr. Biya has not refuted these claims.(Post watch Fact File report by Ntemfac Ofeae, undated).
The late president Mobutu of the Democratic Republic of Congo holds the record for financial plunder and national ruin. It is estimated that he stole $4 billion, leaving the country poorer than he found it, with ruined infrastructure and no formal economy to speak of. A close second to Mobutu is the late dictator of Nigeria, Sani Abacha, whose rule left 70 percent of Nigeria’s 120 million people living on less than one dollar per day. In Kenya, the Daniel Arap Moi dictatorship must be given credit for the systematic destruction of what used to be Africa’s economic showcase from the 1960s through the 70s. The authoritative Africa Confidential put Moi’s external bank holdings at $3 billion. In the so-called Goldenberg scandal, the Moi regime bolted with an estimated $1 biliion from its own central bank (12 percent of the national’s GDP), setting off a spiral of inflation, economic stagnation, unemployment, crime, ruined agricultural sector and decaying public services. (Testimony on the social and political costs of the theft of public funds by African Dictators: US House of Representatives Committee on Financial Services by Michael Chege, University of Florida, May 9, 2002)
Recent surveys carried out by the World Bank in a series of developing countries to compare budget allocations to actual spending at the facility level have confirmed that resources are not allocated according to underlying budget decision. In Uganda and Tanzania, large parts of funds were diverted elsewhere or for private gain. (U4 Utstein Anti corruption resource website) Peter Machungwa, Home Affairs Minister, Godden Mandandi, Works and supply Minister were arrested on Tuesday night in connection with the disappearance of $2 billion in government funds.(Business Day, October 24, 2002) Paul Tembo, former deputy minister of Finance, was shot dead in his home hours before testifying in corruption trial of three cabinet ministers. (BBC News, July 9, 2001). Zambian police and politicians have been identified to be the worst corrupt elements in the country. (AllAfrica.com, March 1, 2001)
SOURC :TRACEAIDFor example, in 1997, the French Weekly Newspaper published these stolen assets of African rulers: General Sani Abaca of Nigeria, 120 billion FF (or $20 billion); former Ivorian President H. Boigny, 35 billion FF (or $ 6 billion); General Ibrahim Babangida of Nigeria, 30 billion FF (or $ 5 billion); the late President Mobutu of Zaire, 22 billion FF (or $ 4 billion); President Mousa Traore of Mali, 10.8 billion FF (or $ 2 billion).
Other names mentioned by the French Weekly were President Henri Bedie of Ivory Coast, 2 billion FF (or 300 million); President Denis N'guesso of Congo, 1.2 billion FF (or 200 million); President Omar Bongo of Gabon, 0.5 billion FF (or $ $80 million); President Paul Biya of Cameroon, 450 million FF (or $70 million); President Haile Mariam of Ethiopia, 200 million FF (or $30 million); and President Hissene Habre of Chad, 20 million FF (or $3 million). Bear in mind that this list does not reflect the actual amount of money stolen out of Africa by these dictators. Factually, the mentioned figures had changed significantly since the French Weekly article was published in 1997. There are now new African billionaires and millionaires, including indicted former Liberian President Charles Taylor, President Gabassinga Eyadema of Togo, former Liberian Warlord Alhaji Kromah, former Ghanaian dictator Jerry J. Rawlings, and the late President Samuel Doe of Liberia; a host of African government ministers would make an updated list. While returning funds stolen out of Africa is the right thing to do, efforts must be made by the West and responsible African governments {i.e. the government of Botswana, etc.} to alter international banking laws that will make it difficult for Africa's government officials and corrupt business personalities to transfer huge funds into western banks. The measure was first proposed following the September 11, 2001 attacks but was rebuffed by western financial institutions. Again, we need to revisit this issue: the terrorists could use the thieves in Africa's government Ministries to transfer money into western bank accounts—the money could be used at a later time for terrorists' activities